Tuesday, January 20, 2009

How Can I Lower My Blood Mpv

No Country for orphans


The paper you are reading is the result of a collective work that holds together groups and individuals, activists and publishers, journalists and writers, cultural workers in general. It is an experiment that attempts to think the common view of political representation and mutations of this. Talk of Rome, in Rome and want to build continuity. A project that claims for itself partiality and impartiality: nothing can be planned with a party spirit, nothing can be written without groped to undermine common sense.
Un foglio che si rivolge a chi dentro Roma non si sente sconfitto e guarda con voglia di sperimentare la scena emersa dopo lo sconquasso elettorale. Un luogo di incontro, attraverso la scrittura, di pensieri e di pratiche di discorso che provano a capire cosa è davvero cambiato, cosa funziona malamente nell’esperienza politica e dei movimenti, cosa gira a vuoto, ma anche l’estensio ne e l’intensificazione di nuovi campi di conflitto.

Che è stat o?
Come è potuto accadere che il laboratorio Roma, quel modello di governo della città messo in piedi da Veltroni, che nei sondaggi riceveva percentuali bulgare di sostegno e approvazione tanto da rendere reluctant possible center-right candidates to present themselves, sure to be soundly defeated, how could it happen that that model has dropped in the short span of one election?
Let us admit that what happened was the result of a complex of causes: the advance of the center-right bold throughout Italy with a knock-on effect, the toll paid to the intentions and the disastrous results of the Prodi government, the "sacrifice" Veltroni's Democratic Party secretary of the task and the inadequacy of that reverent baciapile Rutelli - perceived as a worn-out car, good for scrap - a supplement to arouse sympathy and passion, the explosion of dramatic events related alla questione sicurezza, cavalcati dal centro-destra contro l’eccesso di «tolleranza e buonismo» precedenti e rispetto ai quali si presentava invece come fautore di «ordine e legalità» da instaurare muscolarmente, la disaffezione di un’area non minuscola di opinione radicale che ha insistito nell’astensionismo, e persino un possibile “suicidio” interno al centro-sinistra, tra le sue correnti, che ha premiato il candidato alla provincia e penalizzato il candidato a sindaco. Ammettiamo pure tutto questo, e forse altro ancora: resta tuttavia l’incontrovertibile dato che l’ unicità di Roma – addirittura sbandierata come possibile trincea a fronte della marcia inarrestabile the right lever for a recovery - has been reversed into its opposite: having conquered Rome was, for the right, a symbolic historical transition, the final clearance. It is from Rome, however, who started his descent into the field of Berlusconi, when he declared, in the race for mayor at the time, its preference for Fini. A seal, then: more, more, the previous winning Bologna the red hand of Guazzaloca, which aroused much curiosity and wonder in the international press. Bologna was and is implanted in a "Emilia", as Milan is, for many years, all rooted in a "Lombard"; and Venice is to mirror and contrast of the Northeast and Naples and Palermo are "so Southern." Only Rome is not regionalized, rather dominates its regional area. Only Rome, and by extension numbers, problems, role, history and current events, includes a dimension "Italian". It is the only city in this country, perhaps unwillingly his own people and his Forma Urbis. Living here is a privilege and a chore, a daily joy and a nonstop litany of curses: they already pay the ticket every day, just to be there.

The Veltroni: hello core
Where, in what has not stood the veltroni? It is true that his point of crisis and rupture resides in the dramatization of events and initiatives at the expense of the concrete materiality of services to the suburbs, the hole never filled, transport messed up, short of the ordinary operation of a city? A city that she would feel abandoned, that would have experienced the gradual degradation of sites like the deliberate neglect of an administration guilty of all be focused on glitter and sequins . Yet this model of city-show seemed to work: the white nights have been crossed by millions of people and played everywhere in Italy, from Salerno to Ragusa in Pordenone - maybe really the only model exported, the Film Festival, red carpet per le star, una competition con Venezia, flash a go-go, conferenze-stampa e tanti autografi, era un visibilio; Paul McCartney, Elton John e Simon & Garfunkel avevano adunato oceaniche folle con fiammelle di accendini e cuoricini luminosi intorno al Colosseo e giù per i Fori; i Capodanni a piazza del Popolo coi zumpappà della Mannoia e De Gregori erano un tripudio di fischietti e cotillons . E il Pil che correva come nessun altro, e il gettito fiscale che aumentava, e il boom dei turisti, e la dinamicità di nuove imprese, e l’occupazione che cresceva e i progetti di mobilità urbana? Tutto dimenticato? Si può essere così ingrati? È questo il punto?
Magari il punto is that the dark side of the performative brilliance of Rome rested on the privatization of any service, on a terrible insecurity of employment, income, quality of life and that any show - even if agratisse - what it takes hard but then returns to the everyday and we do little with zumpappà and images of your star on the phone. Maybe the cost of living is becoming unbearable, the rate wiped out the income, the bills are not enough to buy plasma screens, too, that you pull them back with no interest in shopping centers or start paying them in 2012, but even the mozzarella and sliced . Maybe not enough to even get your ass on the job or delete some or spesuccia make do, to do some traffic or business to set up some small, and live with the limits of the illegality. Maybe the collective impoverishment not only of things, but of relationships, relationships, security, hope and identity.
Maybe the point is that this staging of the town is tiny and provincial, that he who turns a little 'for Europe to realize how far are Berlin, Paris, Barcelona, \u200b\u200bwhose museums are open day and night, whose Libraries are always busy, which performed plays important theaters, where the facilities for tourists and young people and citizens are substantial and significant, where mobility is a relief and not a curse, whose cultural, social, relational, and rich, open to international comparison, cosmopolitan, metropolitan area. Maybe elsewhere, the universities are valuable excellence, training and culture, research and innovation, attraction and expansive, that you belong with pride and not shame to neglect and decay in which all pay, sites and knowledge, routine bureaucratic practices and teachers, a whole 'sapienziame' developed in the power toys, baronies of, wasting money and get your hands of public and private. Rome has been "all'amatriciana," city of ancient memories and recent regrets, no city in excess of man, far from the major financial channels, the channels of major political, cultural highlights from the channels. The model veltroni did too much "culture", but, conversely, too little and a little 'saccharine. It is the political representation of that pastiche TV de "I Cesaroni," the staging of the "popular" and "democratic": the menu instead of ethnic rights for immigrants. Veltroni was below the needs of this city, this Rome, this city, although not a metropolis and all to come, to imagine. It was too much taken from the collection of figurines (rock stars, actors and actresses, presidents abandoned: I have, I have, I miss it) and not by the processes of innovation and experimentation. The only places in this city where the dynamics are triggered to open, contamination and international, were places on the margins, which have always had to rip the claws and teeth its legitimacy and authority.
Nor is it enough to power an alliance with real estate agents and rent bank, the Master Plan with the systematization of urban space - old and new, a city that continues to widen - as the only "value added", in a curious form neodemocrazia of: a head, a mortgage. With its extra cubic capacity of cement and the increase in speculation Financial: down to it, sniffed the air, these gentlemen have changed coat, pointed at another horse. The veltroni not provided for the construction of an alliance between social classes, classes, and territories, but rather between the bargaining powers, mediation between emergencies, the involvement of political representatives - the Democratic Left, PRC, the Greens, that they did: some football shins - a city off and placid, and a little caciarona 'vulgar, Roman and compulsory, where the contradictions, conflicts were relegated to the margins, outside the scene. The class that this script was and is true economic engine production - the precariousness of the work material and immaterial - non è mai stato il soggetto sociale del veltronismo. Qualche mancia, ogni tanto: una scodella di grano può fare miracoli e tenere buona la plebe. Però, poi, le palle girano a mille, si diventa astiosi, alla prima occasione ci si vendica: pollice verso.

Mutande e pennacchi
Anche la stampella «caritatevole» di questa macchina amministrativa, il cattolicesimo solidarista, ne esce in crisi. Non si può contemperare offensiva ideologica reazionaria, dura, insistente, programmatica, autistica, lontana dalla mondanità, dalle modificazioni della vita, della scienza, delle tecnologie, della biologia, del genere, con un ruolo di riferimento sociale; non si può avere ruolo di riferimento sociale, attenzione ai deboli, alle nuove povertà e poi mostrarsi remissivi e complici coi poteri. Quanto siamo lontani, davvero, dalla condanna dei «mali di Roma» degli anni Settanta. È cambiato il potere temporale? O, piuttosto, è cambiato l’atteggiamento del potere “spirituale”? Bastano le piazze piene e le prediche urbe et orbi quando si hanno le parrocchie vuote? A Cesare quel che è di Cesare, a Dio quel che è di Dio: ovvero, lo stato fruga nelle mie tasche, la chiesa fruga nelle mie mutande. L’uno e l’altra mi spogliano: è questa la «nuda vita»?
Il sicuritarismo è una bufala. Tutto chiacchiere e distintivo. Il sicuritarismo, con la sua semplificazione of things, its reduction to a few, when one of the problems, causes havoc dell'ingovernabilità. A complex city, a metropolis in need of complex responses, for a total expansion of a multiplication of the answers in front of the multiplication of issues. Just four and three scripted proclamations of Alemanno order to fix things? Just the roundup of Roma, the transformation of CPT in prisons for the sole crime of being illegal - that is, someone who should be protected and helped by this to escape from - the media lynching of some trans, the unleashing of some shaved head, the gun the guards on the street, the consular army to patrol and ring, to increase our wages, our incomes, to make us pay the installments, to make us buy more things and not necessary, to make sure home and work, to give certainty to the children, to pay less tax, to have more wealth, more abundance, more peace of mind? But that davero davero? Or rather, increasing and overlapping troops, police powers, local and national discretion will not grow well out of sight, the big and small bribes, negotiations with the criminals strong powers - but the "strong" really, the mafia national and not, and muschilli and horses of the fourth order, national, and not - that are already here and share out and control the territory, and operate, often, the moods and trends? Meanwhile, the same gloating "emperors" of the first builders, property developers and banks, ready for new deal and new business: to them, the Roma, bit him 'de friezes under: mica sign loans for homes, Roma
The only

shape the future of economy which has governed the world went into crisis. Liberalism is in crisis everywhere. It is in this passage that the accumulated social and economic contradictions explode, that the processes of social fascism emerge, returning modernized social selfishness, racism, ethnic, disruption and aggression, global coatterie and peripherals. All this has little of "ideological" and not enough good teaching and learning strategies. All this is linked to processes of material life. The neo-nationalism, small, medium and large homelands (in Europe, everywhere, from France to Belgium, Germany, Albania), accompany the proposals for economic protectionism, new duties, new customs, new autarky, new federal and regional governments. The company, what he had found not only in the form of economic and welfare, was crashed by the wave of liberalism, the holy hand of the privatization of everything - even the war - and the market as a panacea. Of what was being cared for, supported and supervised in the exchange / political struggle, la lealtà alla democrazia in cambio di un reddito sociale, di servizi e un pasto a gratis, nel «matrimonio combinato» tra lavoro e capitale dal battesimo al funerale passando per la scuola, la salute, la pensione, ne hanno fatto frattaglie e spezzatino. Ora è il liberismo a mostrare il fiato corto, a non essere in grado di governare più. E insieme, ora è il riformismo – sta forma di veltronismo senile – a stare alla canna del gas, vagheggiando progetti retro e melo – ah, i meravigliosi anni Sessanta –, a essere irrealistico, poco concreto, una cosa forse buona fra trent’anni quando saremo tutti morti. A seguire, come le vettovaglie, tutto quell’ambaradam di ong e terzo settore delegati to heal the differences and marginalization, and to maintain this, cultural relativism, which can not administer their soup warmed as a "company to do." Now, come on banners and theories that are condensed around an idea, "national," an idea of \u200b\u200bblood and soil, "public health". Whether the district, region, company, macro-territorial area, statelet. Appattano left and right about this, to defend the residents, natives, producers, consumers, workers, the proletarians, the people. The defense of race and territory relies on fear, relies on aggression, relies on material issues. How "public" today public institution, public works, public service, "proletarian nation", has only the character of the garbage, parasitism. Horror. It is the reverse of what is horrible "common", the face turned and the revolting social cooperation, of the individual, social wealth, the highest level possible and widespread use of production capacity. To live a good life.

What will
This paper aims to contribute and participate in discussion and debate after the elections in Rome and to the continuity and resumption of battles and political struggles. It seems that the most recent initiatives, a greater willingness to get back into play, networking and even wealth of its specificity, its territories, to go this way. We will try also to give us continuity, to print other sheets, to widen and thicken matters, things and people. The right to power is a face of barbarism already in place, the other, perhaps the most ferocious is in certain social behaviors. There also seems there is scope for ammoine: the crisis of politics, which is essentially a crisis of reformism of the twentieth century, it was all consumed. There remain, and all processes of economic independence, material, political, cultural, within society, against the company. There remains a general knowledge and a capacity for self-government and production are humiliated and marginalized from economic and democratic processes. This is what we now call "common", which already presides over our individual lives, our unique identity and to which we draw daily. It is a tension, a process already well material life, behaviors, attitudes, modes, styles, forms of life. Here and now. Between one and another, between the municipality and the public, there is no line of possible mediation: either the power and the establishment of a new social life or barbarism. Or new institutions and new rules of coexistence and the decision or order scheme with the consent of the majority. Or the power of the 'common' is power, ability to form to the thoughts and actions of social life, or of each hoarding will prevail at the expense of someone else. Rome, for its complexity, is emblematic. We're here. In "our" Republic.
Hasten! Hasten!

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