How To Get Rid Of Your Infant's Phlem

are having difficulty


"We are in crisis, we are in recession." It is the chant of these months, the jingle of the bottom of every question, every debate, every argument: there is no money for investment, there is no money for repairs and maintenance, there is no money for recruitment, there is no money for care, there is no money to renew the agreements, there is no money for research, there is no money for the events, there is no money for advertising and promotions. There is no money at all. We ass on the ground with water in the throat, with shit up to the neck. And the worst is yet to come. The statistics bear out the prophecy seem forecasts a long, cold winter, all scored below zero. We do not produce, do not buy, do not save, do not cr esciamo. Who knows what we are doing in the meantime.
The crisis is told as "history" of a financial speculators out of control from the power of central banks and governments. Instead, there are no innocents: the central banks and governments knew and allowed any speculation, sure to hold the money "fantasy," and indeed intent on exploiting volume and seamless mobility, without laws of gravity to pump and economies consumption. To build consensus. And besides, this is money 'invented', to produce and consume. A building consenso. Una bolla finanziaria è stata fatta lievitare per sostenere il crollo di un’altra. Non ci sono innocenti: il «sogno» di fare denaro standosene in panciolle con in tasca il biglietto vincente della
lotteria aveva ca tturato facilmente risparmiatori di ogni risma e taglia. Non c’entra niente la non-corrispondenza fra economia «materiale» e «immateriale». È da un bel pezzo che a tot moneta, a tot valore non corrispondono tot merci, all’incirca da quando sono nate le banche e il credito. La folle corsa al nuovo Eldorado si basava su un dato ben materiale: una illimitata possibilità di produrre e consumare del mondo, era questo il «futuro» su cui si rischiava, un future without scarcity. This possibility has not produced a match-and a conflict between values \u200b\u200b- the present and the future, the money supply and credit, prices and profits - not between values \u200b\u200band goods. A confusion of temporality, between now and tomorrow.
The goods we are now in the middle. The work we are now in the middle. They are the "collateral damage". They speak of an overall "wealth destruction," but our ability to produce is intact, our creativity is undiminished, our technology is intact. Was also an apocalypse, is not that the next day would become troglodytes, illiterate, savage, regressing to the stone age: the we do, our knowledge, our skills, our knowledge remain the same. What is jammed, what went out of control is what did not work before. The ability to produce any goods at low cost is now high, the possibility of obtaining raw materials at fair prices, has now extended the opportunity to trade and exchange has become a common practice everywhere. But this wealth, this strength concrete, real, material is mortified and deformed. Jammed, it forced the "private" instead of for someone to wealth for all. For them, the wealth, it our wealth, should be aimed at profit; For us, wealth means free from difficulty, to live a better and peaceful life, dedicated to the happiness. Only the profit - greed for profit, not just earnings - has become anachronistic. It has played a role in the overall production of goods, when the world was scarred and wounded by the need by need, by scarcity. It was the spring individual who has worked longer and better than any attraction collectivist. Today is historically illegal, unlawful, unconstitutional. Today the private hoard spring, that it may be only against the push for common growth, is disgusting and unbearable. And like everything anachronistic, lacking di senso comune, perché sussistano ancora il suo dominio e i suoi privilegi già dati, diventa violento. Stupidamente, odiosamente violento.
Niente sarà più come prima, dicono adesso. Ma suona più come una minaccia che come un programma di interventi economici. E d’altronde, quali mai «misure» è possibile adoperare – se non ripescando vecchie formule e esperienze – in un mondo, in un tempo che ha a portata di mano nuove forme e nuove istituzioni del produrre e del vivere supportate da una straordinaria possibilità della scienza e della tecnica che rimettono in discussione i «fondamenti» del nostro esserci? Tutto è vecchio, mostruosamente vecchio, quando occorrerebbero invece coraggio, determination, imagination.
A neo-statism, in the form of a revised Keynesian or protectionism reduced pitch or combination of formulas in alliances among states, seems the most common recipe. Yet there can be no "plans" to overcome the national crisis, whose contours are supranational nature. But there is an added "political" of the crisis can be managed locally: a "political advantage" fell from the sky. In that cling national governments and local governments. And were told to keep good acting on our worst sides. Ideological mobilization - Retrieve values \u200b\u200band flags, to homelands and nations, religions and traditions - e risibili provvedimenti economici andranno di pari passo. La crisi è tutta sulle nostre spalle. Il mondo è tutto sulle nostre spalle.
Bene, azzeriamo tutto allora. Default. Ma ai nastri di partenza di questa nuova corsa non ci stanno solo loro. Ci siamo pure noi. Noi e la nostra ricchezza. Noi e la nostra potenza.

La politica ci salverà?
Quelli che ci hanno mandati a ramengo nella crisi, quelli che dovevano controllare, vigilare, stare attenti, quelli che insomma dovevano fare il loro mestiere – il mestiere per cui li abbiamo votati e delegati, e per cui li paghiamo, cioè: governare – e che se ne sono bellamente strafottuti, per intrallazzo, per ambizione, per totale ignoranza e incompetence are the same pundits are now and want to save: they, the politicians, administrators, the courtiers of the Palace. Something does not return.
Something just does not come back if the person who left us the first sink and then throws a lifeline to us has the same face. Something just does not come back if all they have put together measures are: faith and hope. While we stand with bowed head and hat in hand and pray and thank them devout, God-fearing and intimidated by the Apocalypse to come, while making them?
In the crisis, they are not solving the problem are part of the problem. It's their system that goes to pieces, not ours. Are their rules did not work, not ours. Their institutions are not governed, not ours. And now they want to give him a hand? Indeed, efforts and sacrifices they ask us, solidarity and sacrifice, patience and endurance, confidence and serenity. They want us to be virtuous. We ask for our money - those who have and those that we have - both, they all pay with our money, we are their cash, their credit card limits. And we should spend our wealth to them, we should invest everything we have on them, we should bet on the bet that they represent? Sorry, eh, but go fuck yourself, right?
says, but the crisis is global, the Americans, the Germans, are the French, even the Chinese know '- they could do? But how, they have made us a head like that with globalization and the market here and the market there, which was a world of milk and honey, and mo 'are telling us that that was the hell? Today they say the opposite of yesterday, yesterday said the opposite of today, tomorrow who knows what they will say, what matters is that they remain where they are always telling us what is the right thing. Sorry, eh, but a bit 'of shame, no? All I propose is a revival of self-sufficiency - 'Italian consumer "- and a new austerity, all they can say now is that I know gl'Americani' too strong, yogurt, jam, however, is perhaps better than if magnamo du 'macaroni? But I really believe that we are so fooled by any canard Berci tell us?
We have started a transition to the future, in the end of this time. A transition will be painless and will not conflict and turmoil. Everywhere, in every territory, in every city. Here. In this city. Rule this time is not bread for their teeth.

they go away
We are the riches of this city. Rome is full of our wealth, our talents, our creativity, our ability to invent and produce, our desires, our curiosity, of our special quality of building relationships, our desire to live better, our search for happiness. Each in its own way and what can and can do. This site belongs to us, this city belongs to us. This town is our town. We work for some time, to invest our knowledge and our jobs in the public and private sectors. This city has ceased to be under the thumb of provincial and Oltretevere with the end of the long Democrat power, with the great wave of people who had lived through the changes and hopes of the movements of the sixties and seventies and gradually entered the professions, crafts, in trade, jobs, innovations and bringing cultures, languages and circulation of ideas, views and visions, bringing a huge potential for cooperation and social relationships, doing so with little, making the "fortune" of being where there is the greatest asset of humanity, highlighting the extraordinary collective resource that is Rome. Inventing "forms of use 'who rediscover the story - the meaning and beauty of its space - be it daily, but," easy ", as if in thought. All those who have followed the Rome government did nothing to build on this capability, grab it. As it is now appropriate the work of those producers of imagery and culture in recent years were born and raised in Rome - certainly not through the auditorium and the film festival of Veltroni and Bettini, inherited and corrected by Alemanno and Croppi - and that makes movies, video, theater, music, advertising, books, producing things for a good live.
is time to declare our independence. It's time to rule ourselves: any caregiver will be more capable and more care in managing, administering, of them.
are having difficulty, it's their system, the crisis of our wealth. They are the "absolute evil": their tax system, their banking system, their legal system, their distribution system. They are a hindrance to our ability to produce, our ability to create, invent. Really, we can not: we manage our money and squander them begrudge them, we have entrusted our assets - our history, our memory, our beauty, our culture, our property - and if they snap up , neglect them or attempt to destroy, they can not provide for the needs of the city as the minimum daily exceptional situations of emergency. They, the politicians, with priests, bankers and real estate agents.
This city is becoming a place whatsoever, a city-postcard of a city-crib, a city brochure. A mediocre city. A shadowy place, a city that looks like any other, that is consumed like any other, where there is no relationship between the history el'adesso, between what we were and what we are. It is emptied of itself, is a copy of itself, something that can be well in Las Vegas or Disneyland. A place at the same time and armored sloppy, sloppy for us and for them armored. Inside
their crisis, we are facing further instability of work, wage compression, lack of social protection and guarantees, for them, it would be the mandatory order "not to interfere with the maneuver. Their formula out of the crisis, reconstruction of the law of profit has only one ingredient: reducing work in forms of servitude.
That, ladies politicians and administrators of our boots, we give you this news: you've come to an end, it's time to get down. Do not know how to do your job, your profession and we have been. The city will revoke the sovereign mandate, we will be dismissed. You are policy
defaulting tenants, you are abusive. Been illegally occupying our center, our home, our "palaces." If the policemen of this city were less committed to breaking balls to street vendors and the Roma or take bribes and give the sick, and worked a bit ', they should be there in the House, at Palazzo Chigi, the Capitol, on Colombo to evict , to put the seals with the bailiff should.
You have made the political center of Rome a place you, disfigured, making us pay twice the weight of the doubly odious national power and local power. Have you just expanded, with your office, your secretaries, your library, your stocks, your guest quarters and your garçonnieres. Running around town with your blue car. It is time for you leviate of the way, we restituiate our spaces. We'll be generous: go away, beyond the ring road, go away in a detention center, a center of political temporary everything for you. You can play right, center and left as you like, we have to stew for a long time already. At least you're not between your toes, do not give too much bother and already has a thing.

I am my
is time to declare our independence. If there really is something that this crisis demonstrates very clearly is that economic interventions "unthinkable" - the money at no cost, working hours slashed by half to equal pay - are already possible for some time. If there really is something that this crisis demonstrates very clearly is that we live below our means, and not above as they would like to convince us - "He squandered too much," they say - to continue to be delayed. Reformists and conservatives speak the same voice cracked. Quite the contrary, we want so much and everything. We want invent, produce, exchange and consumption. We want to be desired. Those who have few privileges - a safe and comfortable life full of pleasure and beauty - may be opportunities for everyone. The materials are now all possible, to meet your needs. Instead, we are in an economically depressed does not make it to rebound to force the gags and jokes.
But we live below our freedoms. The time of unlimited mass production is finished, the time of unlimited availability to consumers is over. It was the time of vehicles and machinery, and human labor. It also ended the days of unlimited willingness to delegate policy. It was the time totalitarianism and democracy. It is the sunset of a civilization, not only of a system, a civilization that has made the work and production of its power and hegemony, and on work and production has lost its primacy. It happens in history. It goes on. Yet it is the policy of our great history and tradition, the invention of political rights and freedoms. The invention of political revolution. This is what our history has given the world. This is what we can still give to the world. It is our true 'excellence'. It is our policy.
The revolution will be young and Republican. The republic that will be, will be autonomous, free and independent. Roman will. He will live in the decision-making capacity and the expression of each. Representative democracy, which also played an important and extraordinary, is now an empty shell. Was based on a relationship between work and citizenship which does not exist in most forms of the twentieth century. You can not restore or re-found, knows the reaction: the populist tendencies, the small countries in Europe and govern burst. Fill that void so horrible, bring back the clock of history. They even can win briefly, but not stand.
We, we want to fill that void of new republican virtues, new mercies, new freedoms, new happiness, of new institutions.
We want to make Rome the honor of its history, its political history, of its sovereignty. Why is a new way to live in the world.

Write to repubblicaromana@gmail.com
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I'm not afraid


All the fear of the world
The cities of the world are afraid. Things that men have built over time, their metropolitan and their skyscrapers, their coaches and their airplanes, their neighborhoods and their centers. The revolt against. They are afraid of things that were donated, their rivers and their winds. The revolt against. They are afraid of their men. Their styles and their ways, their prayers and their oaths, their veils and their bodies revealed . The revolt against.
cities of the world burst. Anger and rage, bombs and hope, beauty and happiness, language and sound, light and shadow. Break out of their wealth and their poverty, their angels and their demons, their history and their future, their power and their impotence.
Rome is not afraid.
Rome was built because fear remained outside its walls. Here was the space of rhetoric and politics of the gods and ancestors, and the ease of the law. The space of the riots and the tribunes of the conflicts and the institutions of the people. Here the public space was sacred. Over the centuries, has felt the fear, many times. More armies have crossed, to defend or conquer it. More sores have exhausted. As with anything else, we have seen everything and its opposite. Still, Rome is still here. A World Heritage Site. It is his story.
Rome is a city scared. Yet, fear is now living among us, lives next door. A city is a city scared unhappy. He looks around cautiously, rummages in his pockets and anxious hearts, put his men to strains or forces them to flee, cursing the world. Rome is not so. Rome is a city unhappy. The mist

icanza This city is good
landslides, sled is stirred continuously mobility. Bursting with health and is growing. Once, the city was plastered over, the hosts were in the east of Abruzzo and Calabria were masons in the south, the students were around the campus and the employees were not far from the ministries. Moving from Centocelle Appia was a sign of social mobility, a higher status. Today, change can happen to Tor Pignattara anyone, even coming from the city center. Today, life is not as straight and does not always rise. We feel sure of losing identity, but as he travels the world. The Bangladeshis are crammed to St. John as a Tor Bella Monaca, a young couple living there Morena Roman Romanian one and the other to pay less rent, from Castelnuovo di Porto Campagnano and the Romans have left the casino picky City and arrived Eritreans for which the city is too expensive, the market at Campo dei Fiori is talking all the accents of the world among foreigners who are spending their foreign masters and selling fruit and vegetables for their masters. The city does not draw the real estate agents, they build valore sui nostri bisogni e desideri. Noi mettiamo su casa, loro ci fanno «proprietari». Da «proprietari», ora che abbiamo un «valore», non vogliamo che tra i nostri vicini abitino immigrati e gente poco dabbene, che ne abbassano il prezzo. Come se potessimo contare qualcosa nell’andamento delle bolle speculative degli gnomi finanziari che fanno andare su e giù i nostri mutui e i nostri «beni». Loro, gli immigrati, portano fatica e sudore, fanno le cose che non sappiamo, che non possiamo, che non vogliamo fare più. Loro sono il segno del nostro benessere acquisito. Loro sono i nostri «macheroni», i loro figli siedono nei banchi di scuola accanto ai nostri, le loro donne fanno la spesa al mercato accanto ours. And Rome can not build many Brucculino, is not New York, Rome can not build a lot of Palermo Viejo, Buenos Aires is not. Separate ghettos in this city against his vitality. It is against its history, for the one we had, the Jews, we should still bring shame and pain. The salad is rather good and does well. Who knows love Rome. And he knows caparla.
Okay, here comes the scum. And let us make your ass is scum, those who come here to steal our homes and to touch our women. Get out the balls and let us make him see what stuff we are. If they come with a knife, we will go with the gun, and if they come with the gun, we'll go with the gun. But if you are with the gun, with what we're going with the gun? This is the idea?
Ten years of zero tolerance in New York did not prevent the towers were down. While Giuliani was the mayor from the face of fierce, America's enemies were preparing to attack. Under his nose. The Narrow Margin, orcs, rummaging through the enemies of our freedoms, jackal among our assets. Should we give up our lives, to silence them? And, if it works? And how much does it cost?
Carabinieri General Mori was appointed by the mayor's chief of security. Some said: racks. But in twenty years in Sicily, while he raked Palermo and surrounding countryside, Riina was not moving Corleone from his under his nose. It was fine for damages. It is the deployment of stocks that stops enemies.
It was not an escort to save Moro Via Fani. And fifty-five days, military and police patrolled every street corner, they entered every house, they searched everywhere, but not picked out a spider hole. More, they found him dead in the heart of the city under their noses. It is the deployment of the army and the abandonment of freedom that saves lives. That saves us.
They sent the boys dressed as soldiers to patrol intersections. Jeeps and soldiers as were the streets of Baghdad. It is the "preventive war." Someone has declared war on the citizens of Rome. And the geese, like fireflies Pasolini have disappeared: not more squawking to notify us.
fan the flames of insecurity and fear is dangerous. In the end, those who applaud boots and camouflage think it is time to go it alone, and feels entitled to buy a gun and keep it on hand, to be more relaxed. It is unknown whether each face a potential enemy, who knocks on my door if you intend to fool me, if everyone who enters my shop might rob me, they will find bread for their teeth. Expect another die Re Cecconi, for a joke to a friend, to understand that we are putting madness?
Rich Americans build their panic room, in which slip when the perception of fear becomes high: thick walls, alarms, food for survival, security cameras, lights, weapons. To save us, we have to be holed up in our homes. Or chase them all away, make the city was reinforced as our house reinforced. If we feed our fears Rome entire city can become a panic. We can afford? We will be a field with the city open to the world.
Who is rich and can afford to do their neighborhood an area with a high surveillance, with his private army. Let others throats about the little, what fear is that fear can lick her beautiful garden, to ruffle the water of the pool. But trees Wire Tower, a rich and privileged woman, died in horrible ways as Simonetta Cesaroni, any girl who worked hard.

Armed gangs bipartisan
The Po leaguers are the ones who scream most of all for security. But if the League are keen to do their Bagnolo San Vito Inferiore Venegono a model city in absolute safety, that if they do. Then try to explain where do the orc them, because in quiet Cogne Anna Maria Franzoni massacres Socket her son, for in Novi Ligure Erika and Omar so fiercely stab their own blood, because Grass Olindo and Rosa with a hammer on a rage child, because in the farmhouse of a charming small town, Leno, Desirée is drawn, raped and murdered by a bunch of kids led by an adult, because father and son, in a passage of blood, soil and bar, can kill Abba, who stole the snacks. All mothers of the world are not like Anna Maria Franzoni, all neighbors of the world are not like Olindo and Rosa. And all the Romanians in the world do not come from the depths of darkness as Mailat to rob, rape and kill at a metro station in Rome, a woman who comes home from work. But the Northern League want to drive away all those who have no Celtic blood. Well, there we take them South and immigrants: we need to do and of talents, skills and stories. That i padani continuino a fare polemica con Federico Barbarossa e Garibaldi, e vadano a farsi fottere. Abbiamo altro cui pensare, problemi «un attimino» più complicati di Chignolo Po e Ponte di Legno. Noi siamo Roma, metropoli del mondo.
Di turismo Roma ci campa, di quello religioso e di quello archeologico, di quello di massa e di quello dei vip, di quelli che comprano solo una mezza acqua minerale e di quelli che prenotano le suite del De Russie o dell’Excelsior. Comunque, tutti acquistano qualcosa: una paccottiglia a Fontana di Trevi o un gioiello da Bulgari. Ci portano soldi freschi, ci danno da lavorare: noi ci sobbarchiamo lo sfinimento del loro peregrinare o della loro cafonaggine, loro si ciucciano il nostro caos e la nostra maleducata indolence. The exchange is fair. But who is obsessed with the "dignity" of a museum city to clean up its "human filth" - bums, window washers, gypsies, prostitutes - and throngs of tourists to visit in disciplinary trooped behind their guide with the umbrella, imagine another Rome, a Rome company town tourism, and around this idea want to conform our lives. The decorum and public decency seem to be the only politician capable of being bipartisan. Rutelli cleaned by the steps of the church where homeless people begging for a favor to the pope during the Jubilee, Veltroni scarrozza the Roma as far away from the eyes and heart. Alemanno misura la lunghezza delle gonne sulla Salaria e l’Olimpica. È la nostra sharia, il peccato diventa reato, facendoci vergognare. Ai bipartisan decorativi interessano solo garbati turisti incolonnati per un rapido sightseeing su un autobus a due piani, e vomitati in un qualche ristorante con cui ci si è messi d’accordo e noi a fare ciao con la manina, educati. Non come i cicloturisti olandesi che si muovono per conto proprio e si fermano dove capita, perché allora «te la vai cercando». Se vengono gli hooligans, per dire, invece li massacriamo subito di botte, come è accaduto all’Olimpico – per sicurezza, per fargli capire come stanno le cose. Loro, i turisti, devono stare con due piedi in una scarpa, noi simpatici and smiling, with the baton behind his back.

Be poor but safe
Security is the tale they tell us to please, not to make us want to control us. We will have to be poor, these times are. However, we will be safe. Be poor but safe. It is the tale of fascism, when it was fine when it was worse. But even then, there were Orcs. Mussolini gagged the press in Rome when the girls were abducted and raped. Then they took one that had nothing to do, Girolimoni, but have made a guilty believing that one could be sure. The orcs there always are. The orcs do not invent the papers but the papers - now that the press is "free and independent" - We revel with our feelings and our fears.
religious thought and economic thought and anchovy butter to go there with the idea of \u200b\u200bmortification and renunciation of pleasure. Do not be too ambitious, you do not want too much, not too popular, do not be too many friends. Moreover, the poor for the kingdom of heaven. The man tells stories. The economic crisis is a story. A narrative to intimidate them together around the Tree of Wooden Clogs. Beware of the black man, do not go into the woods, stay away from the house of pandizucchero. But in fairy tales real orcs have claws and there is not always a happy ending. Inside the crisis lies the most massive shift of wealth since the war, who already has a lot more will have, and everyone stays in his place. Stay away from the house of pandizucchero.
Statistics show that those who most feel the social perception of risk are those that are generally less victims: women and the elderly. Why take to protect themselves behaviors that reduce the risk: they live in the city only during certain hours, they attend only specific places and persons. Lay down their lives in established habits. Obligatory routes. Outside the tracks safer, there are orcs. The orcs all of us.
Someone keeps count of how many husbands and sweethearts they have killed their partners in these months? The stranger is often the key to the house, is not the dark, but from the living room. Breathing fear, destroys the soul: we are being afraid of different races and colors, but the gay, lesbian or transgender people are attacked and scarred as the Roman and Roman times. In the end, the other, the outsider, what disturbs me even if it becomes the alien invader eats bucatini all'amatriciana since bell. Any difference now triggers the sirens on highest alert.
A city is a city scared unhappy. Safety - they say - is the basis of the city. But a safe city does not mean a happy city - if it is a city of shit, it remains a city of shit - and we we want to live a happy city. The others are the prerequisite for a happy city. A city's life with others, the lives of others. Without others there is no city, there is no happiness. Fear has become a form of socialization of our loneliness. Fearful or beast. Holed up and dumb, or aggregated patrols and teams of blades and blood, and berciante. This is not Rome.

The happiness of a republic
In a tumultuous world through fear seems to want to be happy with a declaration of insanity. But the opposite of fear is not courage, is desire. Perhaps the security that we do not want to give up here is this: the possibilities of the world. Perhaps we imagine the world without fear is a world of opportunities. Innovation, risk and knowledge. Conflicts. I'm afraid I can not choose. If I can not decide over life. If I can not understand. Know. Move. Change. Meet. Love. Share. Becoming. Beat me. So I'm afraid. I'm afraid of my keepers.
Perhaps we now want a republic that has no founding myth for the fear.
handle our fears. Against those who pollute and deface our land, makes them dump or gasification, there has rebelled. Feasibility studies, diagrams tranquilizers have always opposed the uncertainty for a future 'secure' too far from our daily lives and the fear it ends to clear the ways and meaning. We fear the end of our world, that is the whole world that we know well, where we house. That is like being afraid of the end of the world.
In the fifties and sixties, the Cold War between the imperial and military blocs, the U.S. and the Soviet Union, threatening the end of the world, the clash between warheads. Today seems to return the nightmare of that war, now have armies, symmetric and asymmetric, facing each other. We will not keep them away from our walls, we may have to go out to meet them again to stop. We want to beat us from our walls, to stop them again.
We want to meet the path of migrants, nomads at their feet, look here riposo e vogliono a tutti i costi la loro città. Hanno già capito la cosa essenziale, lottare con le unghie e con i denti: sono nostri concittadini dovunque essi siano.
Vogliamo andare incontro a chi riveste di sogni qualunque richiesta elementare di diritto, di reddito, di casa, di garanzie e di certezze, a chi crede che il desiderio d’una vita degna e felice possa forzare l’ordine delle cose e del potere.
Il tumulto è il cuore della nostra repubblica: per batterci, dovranno cospargere di sale Roma, dopo averla rasa al suolo. Noi siamo qui, non abbiamo paura.

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How Can I Lower My Blood Mpv

No Country for orphans


The paper you are reading is the result of a collective work that holds together groups and individuals, activists and publishers, journalists and writers, cultural workers in general. It is an experiment that attempts to think the common view of political representation and mutations of this. Talk of Rome, in Rome and want to build continuity. A project that claims for itself partiality and impartiality: nothing can be planned with a party spirit, nothing can be written without groped to undermine common sense.
Un foglio che si rivolge a chi dentro Roma non si sente sconfitto e guarda con voglia di sperimentare la scena emersa dopo lo sconquasso elettorale. Un luogo di incontro, attraverso la scrittura, di pensieri e di pratiche di discorso che provano a capire cosa è davvero cambiato, cosa funziona malamente nell’esperienza politica e dei movimenti, cosa gira a vuoto, ma anche l’estensio ne e l’intensificazione di nuovi campi di conflitto.

Che è stat o?
Come è potuto accadere che il laboratorio Roma, quel modello di governo della città messo in piedi da Veltroni, che nei sondaggi riceveva percentuali bulgare di sostegno e approvazione tanto da rendere reluctant possible center-right candidates to present themselves, sure to be soundly defeated, how could it happen that that model has dropped in the short span of one election?
Let us admit that what happened was the result of a complex of causes: the advance of the center-right bold throughout Italy with a knock-on effect, the toll paid to the intentions and the disastrous results of the Prodi government, the "sacrifice" Veltroni's Democratic Party secretary of the task and the inadequacy of that reverent baciapile Rutelli - perceived as a worn-out car, good for scrap - a supplement to arouse sympathy and passion, the explosion of dramatic events related alla questione sicurezza, cavalcati dal centro-destra contro l’eccesso di «tolleranza e buonismo» precedenti e rispetto ai quali si presentava invece come fautore di «ordine e legalità» da instaurare muscolarmente, la disaffezione di un’area non minuscola di opinione radicale che ha insistito nell’astensionismo, e persino un possibile “suicidio” interno al centro-sinistra, tra le sue correnti, che ha premiato il candidato alla provincia e penalizzato il candidato a sindaco. Ammettiamo pure tutto questo, e forse altro ancora: resta tuttavia l’incontrovertibile dato che l’ unicità di Roma – addirittura sbandierata come possibile trincea a fronte della marcia inarrestabile the right lever for a recovery - has been reversed into its opposite: having conquered Rome was, for the right, a symbolic historical transition, the final clearance. It is from Rome, however, who started his descent into the field of Berlusconi, when he declared, in the race for mayor at the time, its preference for Fini. A seal, then: more, more, the previous winning Bologna the red hand of Guazzaloca, which aroused much curiosity and wonder in the international press. Bologna was and is implanted in a "Emilia", as Milan is, for many years, all rooted in a "Lombard"; and Venice is to mirror and contrast of the Northeast and Naples and Palermo are "so Southern." Only Rome is not regionalized, rather dominates its regional area. Only Rome, and by extension numbers, problems, role, history and current events, includes a dimension "Italian". It is the only city in this country, perhaps unwillingly his own people and his Forma Urbis. Living here is a privilege and a chore, a daily joy and a nonstop litany of curses: they already pay the ticket every day, just to be there.

The Veltroni: hello core
Where, in what has not stood the veltroni? It is true that his point of crisis and rupture resides in the dramatization of events and initiatives at the expense of the concrete materiality of services to the suburbs, the hole never filled, transport messed up, short of the ordinary operation of a city? A city that she would feel abandoned, that would have experienced the gradual degradation of sites like the deliberate neglect of an administration guilty of all be focused on glitter and sequins . Yet this model of city-show seemed to work: the white nights have been crossed by millions of people and played everywhere in Italy, from Salerno to Ragusa in Pordenone - maybe really the only model exported, the Film Festival, red carpet per le star, una competition con Venezia, flash a go-go, conferenze-stampa e tanti autografi, era un visibilio; Paul McCartney, Elton John e Simon & Garfunkel avevano adunato oceaniche folle con fiammelle di accendini e cuoricini luminosi intorno al Colosseo e giù per i Fori; i Capodanni a piazza del Popolo coi zumpappà della Mannoia e De Gregori erano un tripudio di fischietti e cotillons . E il Pil che correva come nessun altro, e il gettito fiscale che aumentava, e il boom dei turisti, e la dinamicità di nuove imprese, e l’occupazione che cresceva e i progetti di mobilità urbana? Tutto dimenticato? Si può essere così ingrati? È questo il punto?
Magari il punto is that the dark side of the performative brilliance of Rome rested on the privatization of any service, on a terrible insecurity of employment, income, quality of life and that any show - even if agratisse - what it takes hard but then returns to the everyday and we do little with zumpappà and images of your star on the phone. Maybe the cost of living is becoming unbearable, the rate wiped out the income, the bills are not enough to buy plasma screens, too, that you pull them back with no interest in shopping centers or start paying them in 2012, but even the mozzarella and sliced . Maybe not enough to even get your ass on the job or delete some or spesuccia make do, to do some traffic or business to set up some small, and live with the limits of the illegality. Maybe the collective impoverishment not only of things, but of relationships, relationships, security, hope and identity.
Maybe the point is that this staging of the town is tiny and provincial, that he who turns a little 'for Europe to realize how far are Berlin, Paris, Barcelona, \u200b\u200bwhose museums are open day and night, whose Libraries are always busy, which performed plays important theaters, where the facilities for tourists and young people and citizens are substantial and significant, where mobility is a relief and not a curse, whose cultural, social, relational, and rich, open to international comparison, cosmopolitan, metropolitan area. Maybe elsewhere, the universities are valuable excellence, training and culture, research and innovation, attraction and expansive, that you belong with pride and not shame to neglect and decay in which all pay, sites and knowledge, routine bureaucratic practices and teachers, a whole 'sapienziame' developed in the power toys, baronies of, wasting money and get your hands of public and private. Rome has been "all'amatriciana," city of ancient memories and recent regrets, no city in excess of man, far from the major financial channels, the channels of major political, cultural highlights from the channels. The model veltroni did too much "culture", but, conversely, too little and a little 'saccharine. It is the political representation of that pastiche TV de "I Cesaroni," the staging of the "popular" and "democratic": the menu instead of ethnic rights for immigrants. Veltroni was below the needs of this city, this Rome, this city, although not a metropolis and all to come, to imagine. It was too much taken from the collection of figurines (rock stars, actors and actresses, presidents abandoned: I have, I have, I miss it) and not by the processes of innovation and experimentation. The only places in this city where the dynamics are triggered to open, contamination and international, were places on the margins, which have always had to rip the claws and teeth its legitimacy and authority.
Nor is it enough to power an alliance with real estate agents and rent bank, the Master Plan with the systematization of urban space - old and new, a city that continues to widen - as the only "value added", in a curious form neodemocrazia of: a head, a mortgage. With its extra cubic capacity of cement and the increase in speculation Financial: down to it, sniffed the air, these gentlemen have changed coat, pointed at another horse. The veltroni not provided for the construction of an alliance between social classes, classes, and territories, but rather between the bargaining powers, mediation between emergencies, the involvement of political representatives - the Democratic Left, PRC, the Greens, that they did: some football shins - a city off and placid, and a little caciarona 'vulgar, Roman and compulsory, where the contradictions, conflicts were relegated to the margins, outside the scene. The class that this script was and is true economic engine production - the precariousness of the work material and immaterial - non è mai stato il soggetto sociale del veltronismo. Qualche mancia, ogni tanto: una scodella di grano può fare miracoli e tenere buona la plebe. Però, poi, le palle girano a mille, si diventa astiosi, alla prima occasione ci si vendica: pollice verso.

Mutande e pennacchi
Anche la stampella «caritatevole» di questa macchina amministrativa, il cattolicesimo solidarista, ne esce in crisi. Non si può contemperare offensiva ideologica reazionaria, dura, insistente, programmatica, autistica, lontana dalla mondanità, dalle modificazioni della vita, della scienza, delle tecnologie, della biologia, del genere, con un ruolo di riferimento sociale; non si può avere ruolo di riferimento sociale, attenzione ai deboli, alle nuove povertà e poi mostrarsi remissivi e complici coi poteri. Quanto siamo lontani, davvero, dalla condanna dei «mali di Roma» degli anni Settanta. È cambiato il potere temporale? O, piuttosto, è cambiato l’atteggiamento del potere “spirituale”? Bastano le piazze piene e le prediche urbe et orbi quando si hanno le parrocchie vuote? A Cesare quel che è di Cesare, a Dio quel che è di Dio: ovvero, lo stato fruga nelle mie tasche, la chiesa fruga nelle mie mutande. L’uno e l’altra mi spogliano: è questa la «nuda vita»?
Il sicuritarismo è una bufala. Tutto chiacchiere e distintivo. Il sicuritarismo, con la sua semplificazione of things, its reduction to a few, when one of the problems, causes havoc dell'ingovernabilità. A complex city, a metropolis in need of complex responses, for a total expansion of a multiplication of the answers in front of the multiplication of issues. Just four and three scripted proclamations of Alemanno order to fix things? Just the roundup of Roma, the transformation of CPT in prisons for the sole crime of being illegal - that is, someone who should be protected and helped by this to escape from - the media lynching of some trans, the unleashing of some shaved head, the gun the guards on the street, the consular army to patrol and ring, to increase our wages, our incomes, to make us pay the installments, to make us buy more things and not necessary, to make sure home and work, to give certainty to the children, to pay less tax, to have more wealth, more abundance, more peace of mind? But that davero davero? Or rather, increasing and overlapping troops, police powers, local and national discretion will not grow well out of sight, the big and small bribes, negotiations with the criminals strong powers - but the "strong" really, the mafia national and not, and muschilli and horses of the fourth order, national, and not - that are already here and share out and control the territory, and operate, often, the moods and trends? Meanwhile, the same gloating "emperors" of the first builders, property developers and banks, ready for new deal and new business: to them, the Roma, bit him 'de friezes under: mica sign loans for homes, Roma
The only

shape the future of economy which has governed the world went into crisis. Liberalism is in crisis everywhere. It is in this passage that the accumulated social and economic contradictions explode, that the processes of social fascism emerge, returning modernized social selfishness, racism, ethnic, disruption and aggression, global coatterie and peripherals. All this has little of "ideological" and not enough good teaching and learning strategies. All this is linked to processes of material life. The neo-nationalism, small, medium and large homelands (in Europe, everywhere, from France to Belgium, Germany, Albania), accompany the proposals for economic protectionism, new duties, new customs, new autarky, new federal and regional governments. The company, what he had found not only in the form of economic and welfare, was crashed by the wave of liberalism, the holy hand of the privatization of everything - even the war - and the market as a panacea. Of what was being cared for, supported and supervised in the exchange / political struggle, la lealtà alla democrazia in cambio di un reddito sociale, di servizi e un pasto a gratis, nel «matrimonio combinato» tra lavoro e capitale dal battesimo al funerale passando per la scuola, la salute, la pensione, ne hanno fatto frattaglie e spezzatino. Ora è il liberismo a mostrare il fiato corto, a non essere in grado di governare più. E insieme, ora è il riformismo – sta forma di veltronismo senile – a stare alla canna del gas, vagheggiando progetti retro e melo – ah, i meravigliosi anni Sessanta –, a essere irrealistico, poco concreto, una cosa forse buona fra trent’anni quando saremo tutti morti. A seguire, come le vettovaglie, tutto quell’ambaradam di ong e terzo settore delegati to heal the differences and marginalization, and to maintain this, cultural relativism, which can not administer their soup warmed as a "company to do." Now, come on banners and theories that are condensed around an idea, "national," an idea of \u200b\u200bblood and soil, "public health". Whether the district, region, company, macro-territorial area, statelet. Appattano left and right about this, to defend the residents, natives, producers, consumers, workers, the proletarians, the people. The defense of race and territory relies on fear, relies on aggression, relies on material issues. How "public" today public institution, public works, public service, "proletarian nation", has only the character of the garbage, parasitism. Horror. It is the reverse of what is horrible "common", the face turned and the revolting social cooperation, of the individual, social wealth, the highest level possible and widespread use of production capacity. To live a good life.

What will
This paper aims to contribute and participate in discussion and debate after the elections in Rome and to the continuity and resumption of battles and political struggles. It seems that the most recent initiatives, a greater willingness to get back into play, networking and even wealth of its specificity, its territories, to go this way. We will try also to give us continuity, to print other sheets, to widen and thicken matters, things and people. The right to power is a face of barbarism already in place, the other, perhaps the most ferocious is in certain social behaviors. There also seems there is scope for ammoine: the crisis of politics, which is essentially a crisis of reformism of the twentieth century, it was all consumed. There remain, and all processes of economic independence, material, political, cultural, within society, against the company. There remains a general knowledge and a capacity for self-government and production are humiliated and marginalized from economic and democratic processes. This is what we now call "common", which already presides over our individual lives, our unique identity and to which we draw daily. It is a tension, a process already well material life, behaviors, attitudes, modes, styles, forms of life. Here and now. Between one and another, between the municipality and the public, there is no line of possible mediation: either the power and the establishment of a new social life or barbarism. Or new institutions and new rules of coexistence and the decision or order scheme with the consent of the majority. Or the power of the 'common' is power, ability to form to the thoughts and actions of social life, or of each hoarding will prevail at the expense of someone else. Rome, for its complexity, is emblematic. We're here. In "our" Republic.
Hasten! Hasten!

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