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A book to read after Iceland

Prima di un viaggio in un paese che non si conosce guide, saggi e romanzi aiutano ad entrare in contatto con la cultura locale e ad apprezzarne il carattere. Questa volta vi suggeriamo un libro da leggere al ritorno dall'Islanda o da iniziare durante il viaggio. Si tratta di " Gente Indipendente " (Sjálfstætt fólk) di Halldór Laxness, premio Nobel per la letteratura nel 1955. In Italia è pubblicato by Hyperborea.
E 'committed itself to read and yearning that is exciting and a real picture on the hard life in the highlands of Iceland at the beginning of last century. Please read it after or during the trip in order to place the events narrated in a familiar environment that is very similar, for example, that of the eastern region of Fljótsdalur in Iceland.

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Nostalgia? Curiosity? 6 eyes fixed on Iceland

and Paul Martin in the desert between
Askja and Vatnajokull

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Reykjavik (Reykjavikurtjorn)
Eyjafjallajökull by Þórólfsfell
Jökulsárlón
Gullfoss
Reykjavik (Austurvöllur)

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That thou hast a Serchio?


had disappeared for years, and storks. Italy had been deleted from their routes. Already exhausted from the long journey, goes even further, to nest elsewhere. If they said to each other: this is not a country of warm welcome, thoughts and hearts are asleep snarl and her eyes are bowed down. And it takes a merry heart and eyes to heaven as you have to greet the arrival of the storks, the news of a birth had disappeared for years, and storks. Italy had been deleted from their routes. Already exhausted from the long journey, goes even further, to nest elsewhere. If they said to each other: this is not a country of warm welcome, thoughts and hearts are asleep snarl and her eyes are bowed down. And it takes a merry heart and eyes to heaven as you have to greet the arrival of the storks, the news of a birth.
Then, on the roofs and chimneys, cranes, smokestacks and about on the monuments, on the high places of the city, with new figures appeared sharp and highly colored plumage with their tents, makeshift nest to cut the wind chill.
who looked up at the top, it was shown to one another these strange birds mingled with the saints and angels in marble that dot the roofs of Italy and its skyline, and their announcement: the city è nostra. Da sempre e di nuovo. Un miracolo. Come altro si potrebbe chiamarlo?
Ci sono momenti in cui le città per scoprire se stesse scavano nelle proprie viscere, togliendosi pelle dopo pelle, venendo su dal basso, per capirsi e interrogarsi, per cercare una propria anima. E ci sono momenti in cui gli spiriti della città vengono dal cielo o dai tetti. Appendono in alto le proprie radici. Nei luoghi delle favole e della poesia.
E ci vogliono cuore allegro e testa alta per salutare come si deve il ritorno dei movimenti, dai luoghi delle favole e della poesia.
Così, con rito e gesto antichi, si sono preparati i falò e accesi i fuochi della festa, per dare l’addio agli anni vecchi e salutare quello nuovo. Dentro i fuochi this have been breached and broken things, those no longer needed, they should not serve ever: the armored car of the military, the windows precious and gilded, the thoughts of the wicked, their fears.
entire square was burned down in a tumult in the streets of fire. The tumult has torn by nails the stones from the ground, passing it from hand to hand, pulling them against the buildings where power is barricaded, insolent and stupid, old and chipped. Who knows without sin cast the first stone. The square is known innocent. Immaculate. Blameless. What gets a Serchio?
December was the time of the stones, the time of the square and rooftops, alleys and highways. And the stork, and fairy tales and poetry. It was the month of cities. Cities of Europe. Rome. The profiles of the cities have changed over the rooftops and plazas, including cranes and monuments, including the saints and angels there are now movements. And where they grow jasmine warmed by the desert wind, in January, other riots erupted in Tunis, Algiers. Where Europe has never been able to plant its civilization, the stones thrown by young people accumulate building bridges. As-tu une pierre?
This is the good news: Our cities are. There is no city without us. Rome is ours. Every now and then, shaking, is good for the heart to remind everyone. Even to themselves.

The tumult of December 14
The tumult of December 14 is a child of no one and ten thousand, a bastard with no name and no homeland. An unknown soldier. A thousand thousand mothers and fathers can come forward to claim to fatherhood and pregnancy, explain the chain of traceability and its like a mozzarella cheese, but the simple truth is that it was unexpected and unexpectedly. No prophet and no preacher, no Baptist, and they had no astrologer announced the arrival or had prepared our minds and our hands. You can now archaic and ancient books compulsive predictions, we can express learned quotations and wise forecast, assess and make calculations on calendars trajectories magic, but would be the only way to close our hearts to his message, our eyes to his miracle. The riot of December 14 came among us to speak of the ancient love of freedom. And miracles do not happen every day and never repeat the same. Are not recoverable. Want them to play, become exhibitions of bad taste, simulations mask freaks. Days of wrath do not come every month, every year. After the anger, there are the days of the trial. After the fury of innocence, there is the ferocity, but the tenacity. But every day can not be lived as if they never happened miracles. We need to preserve the wonder and amazement of the day of the December 14, perché è tutta lì la potenza duratura dell’evento, nella meraviglia e nello stupore. Non sappiamo dire se un altro mondo è possibile, ma possiamo dire che la rivolta è possibile. Possiamo testimoniarlo senza timore di spergiuro. E possiamo e dobbiamo continuare a raccontarlo, che, sì, le acque si sono aperte, che, sì, il deserto è stato attraversato. Ora, tutto questo è alle nostre spalle, siamo in una nuova terra. La sorpresa è stata generale, comune. E cos’altro è il comune se non ciò che è sorprendente e inimmaginabile per tutti, se non ciò che va oltre ogni nostra singola attività, idea, ambizione, ogni nostro individuale potere? Se non ciò che è indicibile prima, e può essere solo raccontato dopo? Adesso possiamo confidare. Se in fondo al nostro cuore teniamo viva la scintilla, se le nostre intelligenze rimangono aperte. Se non siamo più gli stessi di prima. Se non facciamo finta che sia mai accaduto.
Ogni tumulto sembra essere già accaduto in un tempo precedente. Ogni rivolta sembra essere la stessa di quell’altra. E ogni gesto individuale di ribellione rimanda a qualcosa di profondamente umano o più antico dell’uomo. Ma tutto questo non ci direbbe nulla della nostra vivida esperienza, se non che essa è sacra e storica nello stesso tempo. Ma sapersi sacri e storici non protegge nel mondo. Semmai, ti espone a una maggiore violenza. Ogni rivolta fonda in sé e comincia da sé its history. There is no Sixty, there's May, there's Seventy-seven, there is Panther, there is Genoa in 2001, there is no joint or jacquerie Spartakusbund, there is no insurgency taking. And also: there is all this and more. The turmoil is a point of departure, not arrival. It is not a musical interlude or a commercial. It is a new beginning, a new movement. If stripped of prejudices and fears we will accept and spread the message of freedom. What must be understood together, and what history and what we are talking about sacredness. For us, the tumult is the foundation of sacred and historic city, is the creation of sacred and historic city.

Democracy despotic
liberal democracies are imploding. So far, however imperfect, had always been the option of winning popular representation and government, providing mechanisms for social mobility, for participation in the wealth produced, for the collection and transfer of benefits between generations. Held up to tremors and convulsions paying the price for scandals and corruption of files and long dark plots, but no alternative has never been as useful and practicable. The unlimited growth, with some periodic crises absorbed through welfare policies, employment or monetary The path seemed endless to hang desires and expectations, needs and individual and mass consumption without limit. If a stop is required at the moment, the re-start the recovery, go quickly fill any previous limit. At the macro-economy was matched by an individual path or the household in accumulation and growth. The privileges granted to the few, was accompanied by more opportunities for many. The extreme inequality showed distant but commensurable. And it is better to live where there are disparities between the wealth, rather than equality in which there is only collective misery. Even those who stayed out on the edge, however, was guaranteed an opportunity for inclusion and a free meal. Conflicts between social representations revolved around the distribution of wealth and taxation of income, because there was more equity, there were more services, there was more public affairs, more opportunities for more differences and rights. But that greater wealth would be produced tomorrow that next year's crop would be better than this was the assumption shared by every individual and collective debt of any credit agreement on the future: it would in some way and in any case faced any outstanding debt, any bill, any mortgage, any promissory note. And the credit was disbursed or "printed" with the same conviction, that the pact would be honored. Between liberal democracy, capital investment, manufacturing, market growth and consumption, savings provision, the virtuous circle drew incessantly as a continuous body by joining its gears.
This world now belongs to another era, is dead. The positive relationship between growth and liberal democracy - the paradigm of modern - is stuck in a time of crisis system. The devastation on society, on families, on the psychology of individuals is terrifying. All of the mental categories, conversational phrases, the common sentiment that made the language of the everyday world of the first are unusable, sometimes even inconceivable except as a relic of the past as history. The specialized language, technical, that defined our identity public and private - work, politics, family roles and social status of the profession - we now speak from a distance, a shadow theater. Do not steal our identities more mobile, precarious. And, lacking a common grammar, it is barbarism, in a civil war languages. Without the things represented by words, the pragmatic relationship between the generations as an ideal interrupted his flow of communication, the survival of each that can not be at the expense of the other, becoming selfish and hostile. The middle class, which is stretched between two very extreme now increasingly distant and immeasurable, lives perpetually under the stress of a loss of balance, a fall always lurking, the threshold of a precipice, with no chance to start to recover but the horrible prospect of remaining in hell. Mobility is only down to the disadvantaged, rather than upward, the privileged. For the promise of tomorrow will be better off saying you have to be poorer today. But so has every day and every day the poor are less rich, rich's collective wealth we produce. Because the promise guiltily hides the paradox: that we have never been so immensely rich as at the same time, the inattingibilità collective wealth, never so immensely poor. In place of an easy life , possible for the general knowledge that has grown geometrically, we struggle in a bitter life, impossible.
Capitalism is not dead, and perhaps not even a dying animal. But the party lights will go off one by one, leaving only melancholy. The animal spirits are sad. Administer the revenues earned and show their teeth, and fierce. By the economic crisis has not come out in any way, because it is the scenario in which you are changing the balance of power between empires and declining emergenti, tra possesso di materie prime e apparati produttivi, nuove alleanze, nuove religioni, nuove geopolitiche. Per uscirne, bisognerà risistemare il mondo. E non si fa in un giorno e non si fa pacificamente. Finito il tempo dell’affluenza, in cui si può condiscendere e mediare, e giunto il tempo del declino si tratta di tenere stretti i fondamentali. La rappresentanza democratica parlamentare ha progressivamente perso il suo ruolo e il suo compito di confliggere e mediare su istanze sociali, che non possono avere alcun riscontro economico e finanziario, anche su singole issues . Il suo fantasma continua a aleggiare tra noi, che lo interroghiamo convinti e lo disconosciamo altrettanto convinti, confusi dalla sua presenza che a volte it seems real, but that more often we feel the inconsistency. The legislative power, progressive soul of liberal democracy, has been dented in the interests of executive power. The democratic despotism is not an anomaly and an exception, but a structural adjustment of liberal democracies. To govern, to take the key, it asks even more power.

Wisdom cries in the streets and nobody listens
The parliamentary politics has become unipolar. Only moves internal lines to the regime accepts the foundation of sovereignty, the West threatened and cornered, and the condition of legitimacy, the crisis. The ability to represent scenari, immaginare visioni, tracciare orizzonti è completamente scemata. Prevalgono interessi di parte, egoismi di lobbies, rendite di territorio. Forse la storia non è finita nell’89, ma la politica sembra essersi spenta. Se c’è un luogo dove il no future è legge, questo è il parlamento, dove lo scambio a breve regna sovrano. Le democrazie sembrano deboli e incerte, incapaci di decidere sul futuro, incartate fra veti e sondaggi. Hanno il moto tardo . La democrazia parlamentare non è morta e forse non è neppure un animale morente, ma il suo male oscuro somiglia a una lunga agonia. Il potere politico e economico invece ha fretta e sta così già provando a risolvere a suo vantaggio la crisi della democrazia rappresentativa. La lunga marcia attraverso le istituzioni, da parola di movimento è diventata prassi di potere. Le ha attraversate tutte, tagliandosi i ponti alle spalle, trovandosene fuori. Si è appartato, opacizzato oltremodo, è diventato extraparlamentare e anticostituzionale. Fonda la sua autorità e costruisce il suo consenso su ciò che è fuori dal presente, lontano dal moderno, su ciò che è sempre stato: l’esercizio del potere, la religione, il denaro, la forza. Getta all’aria i tavoli. Fuori dalla costituzione e dalla norma ha accumulato un potere di violenza e di consenso che non trova regola, è insofferente e illegale rispetto alla lettera. Il bisogno del potere economico and political devastation of common sense and public norms and urgent, urgent. It's subversive. So far, went on to tear, and exceptions to emergencies. Government as well. Now it needs stability. This is why the conflict has become ideological. Power, as a last resort, throw the threshold between the feet of the conflicts of ideology and has become an ideology. The West has become ideological, other Turks are again at the gates of Vienna, the crisis is its banner: In hoc signo vinces . But
defend the rule and the constitutional rule does not exempt us and saves us from obedience to the despotic regime. The validity of the law no longer reflected in the common sense, which si è disperso in mille rivoli e frammentato in mille interpretazioni. E senza sentire comune condiviso non esiste giustizia, rimane solo l’apparato che lo esercita, un management che amministra in nome di altri, attento ai propri interessi di casta, rendendosi odioso una volta agli uni, una volta agli altri. Aleatorio e icastico. L’indignazione per la trasgressione della norma, per la privatizzazione della legge comune, non può arenarsi nella richiesta ai sacerdoti delle regole perché si ergano a difensori dei riti. Lo spirito della regola è conservatore nella lettera e mediatore nell’interpretazione, non si erge certo a innovazione. La potenza costituzionale del tumulto non può costringersi a essere letto secondo le norme vigenti. There was no response.

Access Democracy
Collapse of the reference values \u200b\u200bof a previous common feeling, aphasia, a powerful new narrative to justify the act human bias interest incapable of becoming a "common good", the need for a political thought able to grasp the uniqueness. And then out of this. Outside of liberal democracy, since there's another despotic regime parliamentary politics. External lines. Access democracy is possible only outside the established powers, relying on the constitutional power of the tumult. The tumult has no political obligation of mediation and representation. The turmoil is constitutional, claims the source and foundation of the social will, the common sovereignty. In the turmoil is the order of any future constitution and representation, are the norm and the law, a new public spirit, the feeling of obligation to the city, to the territories. It is the city - its squares, its streets, its roofs, its monuments, its movements - the only place in town. The only common language with which to recognize and understand. The reason the city is the site of resistance to the destructive force of established power. Its corporate form, rooted in history and nature of the territory, is an opportunity to explore new identities. In a world of rapid mobility, the city is no longer the permanence of residence and blood but the subject of wealth creation, the production of meaning, social relations: the ability to form new subjectivities. Away from statehood as nations from ethnic groups.
The tumult is not threatening, calls. The margins of riformabilità decisions are perhaps the despotic power in detail, sometimes even in those - there is no participation taking - but the margins of the erosion of democracy are all in the details. On these we build opposition, struggle, resistance: the program is all there is the despotic power to dictate the agenda. It is on these that the new common spirit generates proposals, ideas and alternatives. Solidarity and the network. Deadlines and projects. But there is a point of aggregation and allocation of extra-territorial bodies: any movement remains master of its territory. Each new process representation must first be measured by way of a new constitution, involving different actors and different social, political, economic. Now the company produces every day in the turmoil, trade, live, save in different ways, wishes and dreams in different ways. And territoriality, the city becomes the place where its constitutional power is configured from time to time in authority and sovereignty. There is no civil society on which to build democracy. It is the tumult that places civil society. And there is a linear accumulation of force to a shoulder. How and what will happen, who knows? The "republic" is a process, not an institution or a form of government.

The Republic is waiting for us.
Hasten! Hasten!

Write to repubblicaromana@gmail.com

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Paolo and Lorenzo to Gertrude Saddle
Fiordland National Park - New Zealand

After spending four months in New Zelanda, dopo esserci tornati per un altro mese e mezzo per perlustrare tutti gli itinerari previsti e testare tutti gli alloggi (non che sia stato un sacrificio...intendiamoci) affrontiamo un elemento nuovo ed insidioso: la "Concession application".
Sì perché se vuoi accompagnare viaggiatori nelle aree protette della Nuova Zelanda, e sono molte, devi dimostrare di avere le carte in regola, ma anche di essere davvero determinato a farlo. Devi essere capace, cioè, di conquistare la "Concessione per attività turistico/ricreative" da parte del Dipertimento per la Conservazione.

Cosa richiede il Department of Conservation (DOC) per emettere la Concessione?
1) That proves that you know in minute detail all the paths that you wish to follow in protected areas
2) What you know all the risks to which people can be exposed to accompany
3) That you submit to an evaluation of the DOC written plan to mitigate risks and a strategy of behavior in an emergency
4) That there are three persons or entities willing to testify about your reliability
5) What you have conducted interviews with one or more delegates to the DOC before requesting granting
6) That you have met some representative of the Maori community before asking for the grant
7) Whether you have a Safety Plan updated and rigorous and that this has been assessed and certified by an external auditor in New Zealand
8) Whether you prepare an Environmental Impact Assessment which will be judged by the DOC
9) Which proves you know all the natural elements that may be affected by your presence in protected areas (fauna, flora, soil, water, noise and light)
10) What you demonstrate you know how to avoid leaving traces of your presence or effect on the elements listed above
11) What you demonstrate your skills and your attitude through subscriptions to professional associations, curriculum, publications, websites, reviews and all that you can come up with
12) What you submit to the evaluation of the DOC your insurance strategy for your organization, your guides and your customers
12) Whether you are willing to pay before applying for a grant (non-refundable amounts if the application is rejected)

It 's a long path tortuous and we have chosen to take because, despite the difficulties and requires the commitment it requires, testifies to the value and reliability of management strategy and promote the area by New Zealand. Sample is the availability of the DOC officials that respond instantly to e-mail and you are bending over backwards to help you organize information. In the end, if we do, we are proud of our concession.
We can not but think that here there is nothing like that ...

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