Things To Write In My Sister's Birthday Card

Invitation - Presentation of the fourth issue

The fourth issue of "the Roman Republic" tries to explain just come out with more breadth of arguments - now has four pages - the sense a new republicanism, opposition to national politics, a path independence. With Rome, its history and its relevance to the heart of things. A new "Roman Question."
We invite the submission of this new number, Friday ', April 3 at 18 at the library on a Flexi Clementine, 9 - upstream. It is an opportunity to meet, to discuss together the "do." Put it on the agenda.
you expect to Friday

Harley Springer Wheel

silent, politicians!

Tears, Sweat and Tears
blood, sweat and blood. So the politicians tell us the economic crisis. But will our tears, not theirs. Our sweat and blood, not theirs. Politicians call us to mobilize, as in war, against enemies far away and invisible: finance wicked, perverse globalization. But in the land of the trenches we stand. We ask to hold on, pull the belt: courage and sacrifices are not their bread and butter, but ours.



Tears, sweat and blood. The crisis is the new religion, the new monotheism, the new god awful face now to turn to charity and now our prayers. Performed or unconcealed, in chorus sung or whispered, as every religion is used to intimidate and to seek solace. The crisis is supernatural, not human, not names, addresses, managers: and would save us all to believe with blind faith in their formulas, in their rituals, in their incense.
Tears, sweat and blood. Who tells how things go in the world, owns the world. Now there is only one book in the world: the crisis. The stories are impoverished, the words are impoverished. The crisis is the new liturgy, the new narrative of power.
But here we want to tell another story: a story of production and science, technology and prosperity, and wealth distribution, autonomy and independence, intelligence and knowledge, self-government and freedom, feelings and rights, to territories and community, present and future. Here it tells another story. Who tells how things go in the world, owns the world.
It will also be true - as they say in Palazzo - that "sooner or later the crisis pass, that crises are cyclical, and after all we make it," but we do not see blue skies over our heads, but a storm. This is not just that exploded "economy", is the crisis of their world, their principles, their rules, their institutions. The world has gone to pieces because they no longer work those principles, those rules, those institutions. It does not work anymore because they can not understand and represent our attitudes, our needs and our desires. We are not catastrophic, but it is obvious that none of them understood the crisis that arrived: anyone really still believe that fairy tale fifty thousand billion dollars - the "price" of the global product of a year - have gone up in smoke for four U.S. subprime mortgage on the house and forty thieves? What is a kind of global Tangentomondo of rogues? And none of them has the faintest idea how to lift ourselves out. Alembic ideas, now that this project now, they pull for the day. The only thing holding up a bit, 'as sandbags while all overflows are the vestiges of the welfare state that left and right for years have reduced or dismantled. Fallen into a sink, out of his mind, trying to get out the hair rising.
But it is the power of technique that has subverted the rules, not the crisis: we are not only vastly more productive than our fathers, but we can not be convicted of the work. We are not only vastly more productive than our fathers, but may be less. We can condemn us to live without work. We can live a rich life and non-poor, socially marginal and not ambitious and not without condemning the shabby work. This is the knowledge that gave us the technique, which gave us the development of our productive power: we can do without the work. That we should not be dead to do without the work. We may be interested in the world, heal the world and ourselves, without being slave labor. We have always asked ourselves: How posso fare di questa cosa un’altra?, ora possiamo chiederci: Come dare valore alla nostra vita? A Palazzo, questo non va giù. Il risparmio di lavoro si rovescia in disoccupazione. Schiavi del lavoro, morti di lavoro dobbiamo restare. Con la deregulation , eravamo elemosinanti di lavoro, con la new regulation saremo elemosinanti di lavoro.
Ma è la prossimità del mondo che ha sovvertito le regole, non la crisi: mangiamo, vestiamo, usiamo, guardiamo cose inimmaginabili per i nostri padri, possiamo andare ovunque e da ovunque possono venire da noi. Vediamo cose che per i nostri padri appartenevano a un altro mondo. Ora sono a portata di mano. Adesso sappiamo suoni e colori e odori che nemmeno conoscevamo. All this scary - we ourselves are scared, having lost identity and security, those who were our fathers - but it fascinates us. Never a man could have such a feeling of belonging that the whole of humanity and the whole of humanity belongs to them: we feel that there is a reason for our being in the world. We have always asked ourselves: Who are we?, Now we ask: What can we? A Palazzo, this does not go down. Enemies of each other, hostile of our loneliness, avid defenders of possessions, of our limitations we have to stay.
But the discoveries of science who have subverted the rules, not the crisis: we discover that we have a lot more tempo di quello che hanno avuto i nostri padri per le loro vite, che i nostri corpi possono essere meglio medicati e sanati, che possono restare vitali a lungo, che i nostri sentimenti di affetto e di amicizia possono perdurare. I limiti della vita e della morte si spostano, le forme della riproduzione si modificano, i nuclei di relazione della nostra intimità oltrepassano la famiglia tradizionale legata al sangue. Siamo stupefatti e turbati di queste possibilità, come se la scienza ci donasse tante altre vite, invece di quella sola che ci dà la natura, con una sola storia. Siamo cauti, ma procediamo per sperimentare, perché chi venga dopo trovi ancora più possibilità, più opportunità, più speranze. Trovi meno dolore, più wisdom and happiness. A Palazzo, this does not go down. Damn obscurantist, for them the sun always runs around a flat earth because it is in darkness that can control our fear.
is the power of the technique is the proximity to the world, are the discoveries of science - the processes that make the man "in common" with himself and with others - that have subverted the rules, not the crisis. The crisis comes after the crisis is now to stop everything. Better to destroy the wealth, which allow it to distribute and reproduce out of control. So plot at the Palace. It is the building that became insolvent, not this or that bank. Enormous accumulation capital - fifty thousand billion dollars - instead of being invested in technology, for more prosperity and less work in science for better health and less pain, in the proximity of the world, for more freedom of movement and less boundaries, it is remained a "sign", the virtual currency of account, as it put under the mattress, went up in smoke. She's dead. They are stupid or evil? They are stupid and evil. Destroying it, duly compensated hierarchies and authority, the centrality of states and nations, we must rebuild and reconvicted the rules of the need, the duty, necessity, and labor, we must restrict the borders and let us defend our homelands, we must let Providence take its course.
So it goes in the world. This is the story we tell: beyond the crisis, the Palace is no more state and more difficult for us more freedom and more happiness.
This story told in the territories where we're at home, in the cities where we live, the places we love and we pay attention, for which we stand, because this is where we play our lives, this is where we build our relationships , this is where our "pride" - the feeling of care of our uniqueness - it becomes "common place" with others. The recount in Rome because it is here that we have the chance and the privilege of living.
a privilege, because living in Rome is also to be told by history, measured at each step with a "laboratory" for centuries, the day before yesterday, where the power, technology, the proximity of the world, science - time in turn, over time - have built an idea of \u200b\u200bfreedom, rights, happiness, citizenship, universality.
If there is a place where the most painful and jarring is the sloppiness of power, neglect of the domain, the mediocrity of command - the sloppiness, carelessness, the mediocrity of the Palace - this is Rome, because here, and therefore belongs to the world, are still visible and the signs of a perennial attempt to find a great and terrible measure of his finitude and eternity, between its uniqueness and universality, between the utility and beauty, between the rights and freedoms, including their home and public space. Free
Rome, fighting for the independence of Rome, then, means to give back to ourselves and the world these questions, looking for answers in the present, in the now, the hour and here.
and Rome that we want to talk. Its political independence, its independence of the production.

Searches Independence
The process of political independence is intertwined and based on the processes of independence of work.
This independence of the work is a bastard, and there is no "pure" in nature. Not be traced by means of economic indicators: number of employees, capital, volume of transactions, or the size or scale. Or for contractual arrangements by which you configure: permanent, fixed-term, project, part-time. It is not self-employment or gainful employment. It is not recognizable to the ways of its implementation, if a sample is carried out by treating language, signs, communications, forms, visions, or whether it is accustomed to manually hardness of iron and concrete: there are rabid dogs growling behind the apparent inconsistency of things, and vice versa open hearts and open minds that no roughness can scratch daily. Neither is identified through the materiality or immateriality of products: there are intangible products highly toxic to the social and vice versa very tangible benefits. There is no evidence for the "quality", the beauty and the cultural value of the product: there are products that are absolutely extraordinary bill unnecessary, or for small niches, and vice versa aesthetic products that create low relief and satisfaction in wide circles. And there are creative work that we could happily do without, and executive work is absolutely necessary. It is characterized by the property form: there are small production, VAT or cooperatives where the true forms of carrion use slave labor among its employees, and vice versa, there are public institutions and private companies in whose crevices and streams of cash flows and survive you adoprano people of great dignity and moral integrity. It is not pauperistic - as if the effort was to claim to be poor - and not squandered in gold.
The independence of the work is identified for 'street sentimental "is the sentiment that marks the self-employment.
This sentiment has the characters of attention, dell’affetto, dell’amicizia, della dedica e potremmo definirlo di «cura»: cura persino maniacale per quel che si compie, attenzione per tutte le cose e le persone che si coinvolgono, affetto e amicizia per le situazioni che si incontrano, che ci stanno intorno e verso e dentro le quali si svolge il nostro lavoro. E questo sia che l’attività lavorativa abbia un ambito familista sia di piccola azienda o di corporation o statale. La cura, insomma, è il tratto distintivo dei sentimenti che pervadono il lavoro indipendente, perché nella cura è riconoscibile la personalizzazione di quel che si compie, l’individuazione del nostro lavoro, il rapporto tra le nostre mani e la nostra faccia, e per questo tramite la its 'value', ie its use and its exchange, thus effectively the economic aspect but also the social sense.
not enough that we do things useful to us, that we put passion, enthusiasm, pleasure, and we gain satisfaction, tangible or intangible: the independence of working for our independence, not just our declaration of independence - like that of income. We need a "distinction" social, public. It is outside of us that the independence of our work takes the form, it is in "social opinion" that it becomes real. There are others who can tell us independent, others are making independent il nostro lavoro. In questo senso, il lavoro indipendente vive «dell’altrui» più che «del proprio».
Perché il lavoro indipendente costruisce «spazio e tempo» per la vita pubblica di relazione: è questa la sua «merce». Sia un luogo, un momento, un oggetto, una suggestione, un gusto, un progetto, un servizio, una risposta o una domanda, che si consuma da soli o scambiandolo con amici o in piccoli gruppi o dentro una folla, quello che si vive attraverso questa merce, anche attraverso la vita privata, è il senso di appartenere alla vita pubblica, di parteciparvi, di contribuirvi, di edificarla. Vita pubblica, vita sociale, vita cittadina, vita civile, vita attiva. Il lavoro indipendente rende comune la vita privata, come fosse la lettura in pubblico di pagine di un libro che si sono già amate seduti nelle proprie case.
Questa indipendenza del lavoro peraltro non si dà una volta per tutte. Proprio perché caratterizzata dai sentimenti, essa è soggetta ai cicli dei sentimenti, alle crisi, ai disamoramenti, alle improvvise passioni, ai tradimenti, agli abbandoni, ai ritorni e, appunto, alla fine. Certo, può capitare che siano le condizioni esterne a imporre una dura legge dell’esistenza – la crisi economica colpisce adesso soprattutto chi è indipendente, perché la circolazione monetaria s’è ristretta. Ma, più spesso, capita invece che un giorno ci si accorga di sentirsi logori and tired, and you decide to accept the offer favorable and diabolical that until then had refused, and closes the shop, you pass the level, you change the characteristics of your product or the industry, turned their gaze , his wisdom and intelligence of all those things that before were considered absurd, and those persons and situations that they felt distant. Maybe, in fact they go out, and look, his wisdom, his intelligence, almost always, are not required. It becomes, in short, 'officials' less worries, less responsibility, less slamming.
But here is a crux of the matter: while the self-employed building society, life report, understandable and recognizable and enjoyable to those who use and exchange, at the same time is able to weave relationships within it. Why is not a social area, a class, a class - something recognizable through the Economic Survey, sociological or private law - the "fifth state" that moves: it is a movement, that is a real dynamic tension and a great walking in a range that goes apart, independence on the one hand, "common" other. And this is the fragility of their awareness that makes temporary and ephemeral social life that constructs, or "common" it produces.
But the answer to this question is not a trade union, as it was to found the independent trade union of workers. Too many of the independence of working conditions, precarious this guarantee, an individual company here in there a chain of compartments, here stifled by taxes and levies there without a shred of pay slips. Everyone does and will do their union battle. The central point is through the mediation of self-employment, private and social life, use and exchange, which binds to and is the glue, which reverse the atomization of the work a sense of joint production: this is the means territory, the city is Rome.
in the report is aware and conscious and direct link between self-employment and the area between the work and independence that Rome is the heart of things. It is in demand all government policy independent of Rome, which is the heart of things.
is here, however, this "feeling" that the independence of the work will be independent from the work: when the process of economic independence to become yourself wholly process of political independence.

The new "Roman question"
Rome today is little more than a geographical expression. His story - which inspired the great political revolutions of modernity - a small school knowledge or trivial information leaflets to throngs of tourists broken. The dream that saw the recapture of renaissance Rome and its role in the founding capital of a nation marked by the spirit of that story has turned into its opposite: the national policy has occupied the city as waves of barbarians sacked. National politicians manage the huge flow of financial taxation, direct and indirect, such as old landowners, owners of a "rent" that is just the parasitic exploitation and corruption of what our community life is able to produce and consume. National politicians are a tyranny of the "dead hand". The management of public affairs is the network of canals and drains of these cash flows: as the cloaca maxima . From inside, you can only impregnate. It should be out in the process of independence, is in the open air is only possible to reconstruct the policy as a civic duty, ambition to excel with the great, the service life of active sociality which one belongs.
is time to reclaim Rome itself. Italy is now in shreds and tatters, including certificates of areas north and south, regions and areas, small "kingdoms" local "Grand Duchy 'held together by a regime led as a monarchy that gradually corrupts democracy in authoritarian forms of fiction with a unitary state which is exercised especially here a Roma, gravando con un peso insopportabile.
E intanto lo Stato pontificio, invece di restare condizionato al suo ruolo spirituale, ha ingigantito la sua «presa» sui corpi e sulle menti, ponendosi come ultima autorità e producendo amministratori e cittadini deboli, superstiziosi, impauriti.
Roma è ormai città di rappresentanza, di rappresentazioni nazionali e internazionali: serve per fornire palazzi e giardini, scenografie che grondano storia – e che dovrebbero incutere rispetto e timore, risvegliare onore e gloria di spirito pubblico, invece del banale luogo comune della “dolce vita” – ma che sono diventate poco più che fondali di scena, dove si mimano interessi e diplomazie già decisi altrove. Quale miserabile fine!
È tempo di liberare Roma: la liberazione di Roma è di nuovo all’ordine del giorno della storia. Roma libera, sia il nostro grido.
Non ci anima alcun localismo, alcun nazionalismo, alcun municipalismo: nessuno spirito di «suolo e sangue». D’altra parte, come sarebbe mai possibile circoscrivere, separare Roma dal resto del mondo, dell’umanità? Semmai, al contrario, si tratta proprio di restituire Roma al mondo, di rifondare il suo ruolo storico di città universale.
Non ci anima alcun interesse privato. Quello che possediamo – i nostri talenti, le nostre conoscenze, le nostre capacità – rimane sempre con noi. Quello che noi vogliamo è the right to use this in our capacity as they see fit, not to put "a master" - whether public or corporate, does not matter - they do not know and do not give a damn to do well.
There is no soul supreme interest and an ultimate goal: the Company, the general will, the spirit of history.
But this policy is no longer able to protect ourselves, to protect the wealth we produce and protect our own lives. This policy is leading us to ruin. And the solutions that promises to ignorance and unconsciousness - a reduction of social prosperity, mobility, science, trade, a new state with more eyes, still più autarchico, ancora più militarizzato –, sono quasi peggiori dei pericoli che incombono e che ci minacciano. Controllo nazionale delle banche, controllo nazionale delle aziende, controllo nazionale degli scambi, controllo nazionale della democrazia: questo è il «pubblico» che avanza. Non è in un mondo più chiuso che è la nostra salvezza, non è in un mondo più ignorante che è la nostra salvezza, non è in un mondo con più birri e più forche che è la nostra salvezza. Forse servono a loro queste cose, a fare sentire loro più sicuri, non noi. Un nuovo mondo di tecnica, di prossimità, di scienza sta premendo. Un diritto inalienabile di vivere indipendentemente sta premendo. Se questa condizione non trova «forma», diritti materiali, se non trova una nuova sovranità, una nuova autorità, si dilania, impazzisce, divora se stesso. È questo il «pericolo pubblico» che ci minaccia. Se entriamo in un ospedale non sappiamo se ne usciremo vivi, se camminiamo per strada non sappiamo se verremo travolti, se andiamo al lavoro non sappiamo se a sera torneremo a casa: come ricostruiamo responsabilità individuale e collettiva? Col terrore? È vero, questo Paese è andato avanti per via di consuetudini spesso al limite quando non fuori dalle regole. Ma erano le regole che non funzionavano, non le consuetudini: le consuetudini facevano andare avanti le cose. Ripristinare le regole, che già non funzionavano, throttling means everything, narrow them again, when everything is blown, it's just a terror operation. And fear leads to ruin. Never before has our personal lives, our own lives are being pushed towards public life, to the "common" to the city.
is a new republicanism what motivates us, is a new republic that we aspire to, is a new Roman Republic that we dream. A
organize freedom, how it could be a free Rome from tyranny and the abuse of national policy papist, we can think of right away: there are talents and skills, experience and generosity, even now in a position to draw a different city. E semplice da amministrare. Lo faremo.
Ma il nodo centrale è il potere. Ed è bene dirlo fuori dai denti, a lettere cubitali, per essere chiari, limpidi e comprensibili. Tutte le lotte e le battaglie saranno conquiste necessarie ma finché il potere non sarà nelle nostre mani, finché sul Campidoglio non svetterà la bandiera della nuova Repubblica romana saranno temporanee. E affinché quella bandiera sventoli è necessaria un’insurrezione. Nessuna congiura, nessuna clandestinità, nessuna carboneria, nessun pugnale nell’ombra. La «nostra» insurrezione è alla luce del sole. È pubblica. È per la democrazia. È per la produzione. È per lo scambio. La nostra insurrezione non aspetta l’ora X, è già cominciata. La nostra insurrezione è permanente. È nel Risvegliamento delle coscienze e degli spiriti, nella fierezza del sentimento repubblicano, nell’opposizione strenua alla coatteria morale, al degrado del senso civico, alla corruzione della politica, è qui che è già cominciata la nostra insurrezione.
La liberazione di Roma è di nuovo all’ordine del giorno della storia.
Tacete, politici!
Roma libera, è il nostro grido. Accorrete! Accorrete!

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